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Charles Sumner, 

THE 

Idealist, Statesman and Scholar 
A.TST ADDRESS 



DELIVERED ON 



PUBLIC B^Y, JUNE SO, l5S*r-t, 



Repest of the Faculty of the University of South Carolina, 



RICHARD THEODORE GREENER, 

Professor of Mental and Moral Philosophy in the University. 



COLUMBIA, S. C: ) 

republican printing company, book and job printers. (L| 



Charles Sumner, 

THE 

Idealist. Statesman and Scholar. 



.AJST ADDEESS 



DELIVERED OS 



PUBLIC r>^Y, JUNE SO, l^s^-i, 



Bepst of tie Faculty of the University of South Carolina, 



RICHARD THEODORE GREENER, 

II 

Professor of Mental and Moral Philosophy in the University. 



COLUMBIA, S. C: 

REPUBLICAN PRINTING COMPANY, BOOK AND JOB PRINTERS. 



15 
? 



CORRESPOISrDENOE. 



University of South Carolina, 

Columbia, July 7, 1874. 
Professor R. T. Greener : 

Dear Sir — Having listened with pleasure to your able address on 
Senator Sumner, delivered before the Faculty and Students of the 
University, we would request a copy for publication, to be placed in the 
archives.. 

Very respectfully, 

BENJ. B. BABBITT, Chairman, 
A. W. CUMMINGS, 
HENRY J: FOX, 
FISK P. BREWER, 
T. N. ROBERTS, 
WILLIAM MAIN, 
RUDOLPH VAMPILL, 
E. W. EVERSON, 
Librarian and Secretary of the Faculty. 



University of South Carolina, 

Columbia, July 11, 1874. 
To Professors Benj. B. Babbitt, Chairman, 

and Cummings, Fox, Brewer, Roberts, &c, 

Members of the Faculty : 
Gentlemen— Your favor of the 7th instant is at hand. My address 
on Senator Sumner, to whom my race owes so much, was a work of 
gratitude and affection, designed more for the privacy of the University 
and our friends than for the general public. 

Because you have received it so kindly, and since it would never have 
been written unless at your request, I the more readily yield to your 
desire for its publication. 

I am, gentlemen, 

Very truly yours, 

RICHARD T. GREENER. 



" At queni virum !" 

Terentius-Phormio. 



" In the long vista of the years to roll, 

Let ine not see my country's honor fade ; 
Oh! let me see our land retain its soul! 
Her pride in freedom, and not freedom's shade." 

Keats. 



"Help, Lord; for the godly man ceaseth ; for the faithful fail from among the children of 

men." 

Ps. xii, 1. 



" Justice is the key-note of the world — all else is ever out of tune." 

" There never was a great truth but it got reverenced; never a great institution, nor a 
great man that did not, sooner or later, receive the reverence of mankind." 

Theodore Parker. 



" No tombstone for me could bear a fairer inscription than this : ' Here lies one who, with- 
out the honors of emoluments or public station, did something for his fellow-men.' " 

Senator Sumner's Speech on Repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law. 



" He that, to correct an evil tree which brings forth bad fruit, shall begin at master bough, 
and so lop downwards, is in danger to fall himself before the tree falls. The safer and speedier 

way is to begin at the root ; and there, with submission, would I lay the axe." 

Pi/ in. 



" Non divitiis cum divite, neque factionc cum factioso, sed cum strenuo virtute, cum 
modesto pudore, cum innocente, abstinentia certabat ; esse quain videri bonus malebat ; ita 
quo minus petebat gloriam, eo magis ilium sequebatur." 

Sallustius- Catilinx Conjuratio. 



" He had the basis, the indisputable basis, of all high character, unspotted integrity and 

honor unimpeached. If he had aspirations they were high, honorable and noble, nothing 

groveling, low or meanly selfish came near his head or heart. Firm in his purposes, patriotic 

and honest, as I am sure he was in the principles he espoused and in the measures he defended, 

I do not believe that, aside from his large regard for that species of distinction that conducted 

him to eminent stations for the benefit of the Republic, he had a selfish motive or a selfish 

feeling." 

Webster's Eulogy on Calhoun. 



"He was one of those divine men, who, like a chapel in a palace, remains unprofaned, 
while all the rest is tyranny, corruption, and folly. All the traditional accounts of him * 

* represent him as the incorrupt lawyer and the honestest statesman, as a master orator, 
a genius of its finest taste, and as a patriot of the noblest and most extensive views, as a man 
who dispensed blessings by his life, and planned them for a posterity." 

Lord Oxford's Estimate of Chancellor Somen. 



" Yea, let all good things await 
Him who cares not to be great. 
But as he saves or serves the State. 
Not once or twice in our rough island story 
The path of duty was the way to glory : 
He that walks it, only thirsting 
For the right, and learns to deaden 
Love of self, before his journey closes, 
He shall find the stubborn thistle bursting 
Into glossy purples, which out-redden 
All voluptuous garden-roses. 
Not once or twice in our fair island-story, 
The path of duty was the way to glory: 
He, that ever following her commands, 
On with toil of heart and knees and hands, 
Thro' the long gorge to the far light has won 
His path upward and prevailed, 
Shall find the toppling crags of duty scaled 
Are close upon the shining table lands 
To which our God himself is moon and sun. 
Such was he. His work is done ; 
But while the races of mankind endure, 
Let his great example stand 
Collossal, seen of every land, 
And keep the soldier firm, the statesman pure ; 
Till in all lands, thro' all human story. 
The path of duty be the way to glory." 

Tennyson. 



" A consecrated life bravely and solemnly ended. A great work left, in the Providence of 
God, unfinished— the completion of which not many of us, I fear, will now live to see. We 
meet to pay another tribute of respect to the memory of the greatest man, and the purest, 
that Massachusetts has lent to the National Councils during this generation or the last ; the 
one who has done the Nation more service and earned the State more honor than any other. 
If we measure greatness by rare abilities, lofty purpose, grand achievement and a spotless 
life, then neither this generation nor the last has, in Massachusetts, any civil name worthy 
nd by the side of Charles Sumner, the last Martyr— literally a Martyr— in the cause of 
free speech and personal liberty." 

Wendell J'Jii/lips. 



ADDEESS. 



Gentlemen of the Faculty, Ladies and Gentlemen : 

We have met, in accordance with a time-honored custom of the 
University, at the close of the collegiate year, to crown our week of 
academic festivities. The occasion itself has a peculiar signification, and 
the record of the school year, just finished, furnishes much material 
for reflection, and presents many causes for congratulations to the Le- 
gislature, the Board of Trustees and the friends of impartial and univer- 
sal education throughout the State. We are favored, in the unsurpassed 
charms of our academic grove, by the balmy air of leafy June, by the 
propitious skies which encourage us, and in the truly catholic and un- 
proscriptive character of this audience, which meets to do honor to 
the just principles of education at last asserted and demonstrated by 
the honored Board of Trustees of the University. Not least among the 
peculiarly important facts, the harbinger, I trust, of the better state 
that is to be, is your choice of me, to speak of a Senator of the 
United States, whose name, until within a few years, was uttered only 
with scorn throughout the State of South Carolina, and in terms of 
reproach even within these walls, consecrated to learning. 

I am conscious of the difficulty of the task with which you have seen 
fit to honor me, while I am devoutly thankful for that triumphant 
march of ideas which enables me to speak in this University of 
the ablest statesman Massachusetts has had in the Federal Congress, 
Charles Sumner, a name pre-eminently worthy to rank with the purest 
of the long line of illustrious statesmen she has contributed to the service 
of our common country. 

The death of no public officer has given rise to more heartfelt sor- 
row, or prompted more elaborate eulogies. The loss of Calhoun, the 
foremost statesman of South Carolina, was deeply and justly de- 
plored. He had endeared himself to those of his own political faith 
by extraordinary powers of intellect, a rare persistency and a single- 
ness of motive devoted to the championship of a pernicious and delu- 
sive doctrine. Massachusetts shed some natural tears for Webster, who 
might have led the hosts of freedom to victory, who could have estab- 
lished the real value of the Union, since he so correctly enunciated it3 



theory, had he possessed either the uncultured sternness of Jackson, 
the incorruptibility of his keener opponent, or had he loved principle 
more than the illusive bauble of the Presidency. 
The wail of sorrow which followed 

"The deep damnation of his taking off " 

came not so much from a recognition of great gifts of mind or speech in 
Abraham Lincoln, but rather from that universal approbation which 
appreciates and cherishes the lives of those who, in times of danger, 
remain anchored to the rock of duty, and preserve fidelity to principle — 
the o-allant few T in every age and every clime who have maintained for us 
those imperilled ideas which make civilization alone worth upholding. 

The death of Senator Sumner, though not unlooked for by those who 
knew the precarious state of his health, seems at once a private bereave- 
ment and a public calamity. He has departed from his place in the 
Senate, the last survivor of the statesmen of the past generation, a man 
trained up to the work of statecraft, suddenly snatched from us just at 
a time when his counsel, advice and remonstrance are most seriously 
needed. After the pulpit and the press have offered such glowing 
tributes to his services and character ; after the old Cradle of Liberty, 
adorned with the portraits of Webster and Calhoun, of Adams, Otis and 
Hancock, of Benton and Quincy, of Choate and Everett, has listened 
to our own noble representative, giving a negro's tribute to the champion 
of his race ; when Music Hall, which saw the mob crowding its galleries 
in 1861, thirsting for the blood of the dauntless Phillips, has heard 
that same matchless orator introducing the accomplished Senator from 
Missouri as the eulogizer of his friend ; when the State of Massachusetts, 
wishing to crown the meed of her beloved son's deserts, has selected for 
her final tribute the sweet poet of the Friends to chant his requiem, 
the most accomplished litterateur, the graceful orator, the delightful 
essayist, the earnest humanitarian, to pronounce his praise, which he has 
done so tenderly and with such lofty discrimination, and such loving 
appreciation ; when a life-long opponent* has, in Congress, risen superior 
to party and section, scattering the flowers of regret and forgiveness 
above his bier — what remains there to say either new or appropriate ? 

Not, surely, the record of his studious youth. It is a lesson and an 
incentive to every earnest student. Not the period of his congressional 
career, his sufferings, labors and ultimate triumph. They are a part of 
the invaluable legacy he has left to the ambitious student of Political 
Science and the noble-minded legislator every where. And yet there 
are reasons peculiar to our University, pertinent to the race for which 

♦Hon. L. Q. C. Lamar, Miss. 



9 

he dared so much, appropriate to me, from having enjoyed the honor 
of his personal friendship and advice, due, above all, to the vindi- 
cation of his claim to a wider philanthrophy than was accustomed to be 
accorded to him, and a defense of his statemanship, which has not been 
sufficiently and heartily acknowledged, because somewhat obscured by 
the brilliancy of his efforts against a specific, overwhelming and unen- 
durable wrong, which, I humbly trust, may not render the chaplet we 
would place upon the simple grave at Mt. Auburn liable to the charge 
of being superfluous or tardy. 

As American citizens we are the heirs of his fame, the enduring result 
of a life of toil and usefulness. As scholars, still treading the quiet paths 
which he once said would have been the height of his ambition to tread 
through life, we are the inheritors of his learning. As educators we 
are the legatees, executors and promoters of that policy of Equality in 
Matters of Education to whose successful vindication he devoted his 
rising talent. 

In the scholarly oration of Senator Schurz there is an implied 
censure that Senator Sumner was an Idealist, rather than a practical 
statesman ; and, further, there is the criticism that he was not a statesman, 
in the highest sense of the term. Not only the Senator from 
Missouri, but many political opponents and not a few well-meaning 
friends share this view. It may not, then, seem inappropriate, and 
cretainly not unnecessary, if I venture to claim for Senator Sumner 
the highest qualities which go to make up the greatest benefactor to 
his country, the Idealist, the Statesman and the Scholar. In his political 
faith and private life he was a loyal disciple of " the truth-loving 
Plato,"* whose abiding and comprehensive thought was : How shall 
we best improve strength, purify and consolidate the State? How shall 
we educate the individual in the truest manner — morally, intellectually 
and physically ? How, after we have accomplished this, shall we com- 
bine the two in mutual union, reciprocal protection — the one assisting 
in the work of the other, and the latter alone able to make the ideal 
Commonwealth a possibility? 

The world has not reached the ideal of the foremost philosopher, 
nor has it attained to the pure height of the greatest moral teacher, 
yet among the many noble lives spent in the search after truth, 
and amid the countless endeavors made after right, equity and justice, 
the only ideas which can truly ennoble the State, the name of Charles 
Sumner is destined to rank conspicuously among the first. 

His was the idealism which rendered Luther so impracticable and 
dogmatic to the church conservatism of his day. The same spirit 

*Clem. Alex. IUe deua nostei — Cic. ad Att. IV, 16. 



10 

made Pym, Hampden and Milton the hot-headed enthusiasts of the 
early and later English Revolution ; and that identical idealism nerved 
the soul of Hancock, Otis and Adams in the North, and Rutledge 
and Pinckney in the South, to resist a petty tax, because it violated 
a principle. It consisted in a profound conviction of the equality 
of all M ex before the law, and associated with it was the dogma so 
often attacked and scouted, but never yet successfully controverted, of the 
rights of man. Correlative with these, and of more immediate impor- 
tance, because pertinent to the needs of our country and the genius of our 
times, were an abiding faith in the sincerity of the Declaration of 
Independence, and a belief that the Constitution of the United 
States was the Magna Charta of Freedom and not of Slavery. 
He knew at what a cost Liberty had been preserved in England. He 
had read of its terrible trials in France. He loved the good name and 
the future fame of his native land, and seizing those old principles which 
will forever make the English Revolution justly memorable, and borrowing 
the phrase equality before the law from the French Revolutionists of 
1793, he interpreted and applied them to his own land in the light of the 
Declaration and the Constitution, by that act rendering his name 
celebrated as the great Idealist of our country. This he did, not from mere 
whim alone. His youth had been passed at the feet of the statesman who 
brought the country through the ordeal of acquiesence to the Constitu- 
tion, and from out the hopeless chaos of the Confederation. The 
favorite of that staunch Federalist, the opposer of the Louisiana 
purchase, the friend and correspondent of the old Carolina Federals — 
Josiah Quiucy* — he learned in his boyhood the wiles and the unscrupu- 
lous character of the slave territory propagandists. 

He witnessed the growth and arrogance of this spirit, hostile to American. 
Liberty. He saw its advocates demanding the whole territory for slavery. 
The persistent camel whose nose was first permitted under the blanket was 
fast usurping the entire bed. He was old enough to sympathize with " the 
old man eloquent" in his contest for the Right of Petition. And he had 
what must have been a constant source of inspiration, the friendship and 
the warm personal respect of that American Chatham, whose principles 
he was destined to carry forward to their triumphant completion. For- 
tunate in the friendship and companionship of such elders, trained in 
law by the learned Story, who forged constitutional thunderbolts for the 
Olympian Webster, is it strange that this Sumner, familiar with the prin- 
ciples of liberty at home, the favorite of the radical Lord Brougham, 
while yet a studious young lawyer in England, whose scholarship and 
manly beauty made him the envied of his fellows, the hope of his elders, 

*Lifc of Josiah Quiucy— by Edmund Quiucy, page 188, et seq. 



11 

should oppose the annexation of Texas on principles of the broadest 
philanthrophy, should refuse offices which others long for, and should be 
so daring as to address Webster, then at the zenith of his power — "By the 
vigor, argument, and eloquence with which you upheld the Union, and 
that interpretation of the Constitution which makes us a Nation, you 
have justly earned the title of Defender of the Constitution. By masterly 
and successful negotiation, and by efforts to compose the strife concern- 
ing Oregon, you have earned another title, Defender of Peace. * * * * 
Assume, then, these unperformed duties. The aged shall bear witness 
to you; the young shall kindle with rapture, as they repeat the name of 
Webster; the large company of the ransomed shall teach their children 
and their children's children, to the latest generation, to call you blessed ; 
and you shall have yet another title, never to be forgotten on earth or in 
heaven — Defender of Humanity." Alas, there was no idealism in the mind 
of the great apostate. The high promises of Plymouth Rock had been sunk 
in the wine and intrigues of Washington, and the hosts of slavery had 
marked well their man when they pandered to his failings and relieved his 
necessities. Party and Office stifled the noble aspirations of his youth. He 
was too much absorbed in the^contemplation of the concrete terms, place, 
power and money, to value the abstractions, Liberty, Equality and Hon- 
esty, and, therefore, deservedly missed the honors he coveted ; was cheated 
by the slave oligarchy to which he had sold himself, and died disap- 
pointed, betrayed, broken-hearted, leaving to his youthful and ardent 
successor, the presumptuous adviser, the honor of winning for himself 
the lofty title — Defender of Humanity. 

The Idealist is always the keenest of intellects. His quality of brain 
is direct, suggestive and synthetic. Knowing the causes of things, fortified 
in his opinions by the widest induction, he demonstrates, almost by in- 
tuition, the necessary conclusion. Foreseeing that all reasoning, how- 
ever accurate or erratic, must reach one result, he directs his energies to 
the attainment of that end. His principles are few, but comprehensive. 
If he fail or die without the sight, we are accustomed to sneer at him as 
an enthusiast, a visionary, an idealist. If he succeed only partially, if 
he determine only a portion of the eternal truths upon which our happi- 
ness and development are predicated, common justice alone should lead 
us to acknowledge his prescience, directness of thought, and the wonder- 
ful combination of events which have enabled him to do so much for 
us. Yane and Sydney were enthusiasts, apparently unsuccessful, whose 
martyrdom has helped to bolt down the foundations of English liberty. 
Dauton and Robespierre saw far ahead the ideal of a republic which 
the fierce elements of the day would not permit them to make real. New- 
ton was the same visionary after years of successful computation on the 
attraction of gravitation as he was when brooding over the falling apple 



12 

or wandering, lost in thought, along the shore " of the deep resounding 
sea." The idealist is always a rifleman, the sharpshooter along the skirmish 
line of intellect, not able to win the battle in and of himself, but contrib- 
uting vastly to the grand result. He does not waste his intellectual 
ammunition. He knows the value of the scale, the effect of depression 
and mirage. No idle and desultory shooting for him, he carries bullets 
and each one must do its duty. An idealist, Loyola, loving the Church, 
takes her Borrows and trials into his own great heart and mourns over 
them until he has seen the vision of her increased power and splendor. 
His mission, then, has begun, and henceforth, to the carrying out of 
this idea, he devotes his own life and shapes the lives of thousands. 
The Jesuits, determined, self-sacrificing and enthusiastic, are to-day 
known in every quarter of the globe as the bone and sinew of the 
Roman Catholic Church. 

The Southern idealists had earlj r foreseen the danger, no larger 
than a man's hand, which would, in time, overshadow them in 
the Electoral College, and hem in their peculiar system of labor. 
In time they began their agitation silent, relentless, clannish, un- 
patriotic, insiduous, but successful. Louisiana was admitted to the 
Union. Federalism struggled feebly in the Southern States for an 
existence, and Virginia and South Carolina, gathering all the spoils, 
proved the efficacy of power, when consolidated in the hands of the few. 
They usurped the commanding offices of State — controlling the politics, 
dictating men and measures to their Northern sycophants, demoralizing 
even the teachings of Christianity and domineering in the Congress as 
they were accustomed to do on their plantations. Everywhere, in 
speech and in act, they exemplified the boldness of Danton. De 
Vaudace! encore de Vaudace! et toujour s de Vaudace ! They controlled 
the Democratic party which had grown into stalwart youth, strong in its 
affection for slavery, and in process of time they sapped and mined 
the principles of the Whig party, which, starting with an idea, ended 
without one, falling asunder from its intrinsic worthlessness and 
recreancy. Then, at last, sprang forth from the chaotic elements the 
germ of a new party, made up of what was still strong and true of the 
Whigs and that part of the Democracy, so called, not yet wholly 
corrupted, a Spartan band of earnest men who believed in Freedom in 
the Territories. Their party-name symbolized the work, the preparatory 
work, that was to be done — Free Soil — the forerunner of the great 
Republican party, " the voice of one crying in the wilderness." 

Into the ranks of such men stepped CHARLES Stjmnee, an idealist, as 
pronounced in favor of freedom as any had been before him of slavery. 
Around him clustered all the best traditions of the illustrious common- 
wealth ; all the liberty-loving associations of his native city of Boston, 



13 

with her storied memories of honored sons, tried so often in the scorching 
fires of the Revolution, stimulating him like another Themistocles — 
sleepless on account of the trophies in the Ceramicus. His soul was 
inspired by the memories handed down of Otis and Adams and 
Hancock. 

His mind was stored with the ripest learning of the Ancient Uni- 
versity, at whose bountiful lap no trusting, earnest son has ever sat, who 
did not learn to reverence her venerable name — who did not sadly leave 
the shadows of her classic elms, without feeling his heart strengthened 
by the record of her historic past, and with a purpose calm and immuta- 
ble to do something worthy of her ancient honor. Not only Christo 
et EccLESiiE, but Patria also, she taught him to lisp, and with it, by her 
own radiant example, Humanitas. 

Revered Mother ! whose record of statesmanship and literature is 
perennial, and whose Memorial Hall, just opened to her loving children, 
bears aloft the names of those who dared to die that their native land 
might be preserved, these are the natural outgrowths of your sterile soil 
and hardy training, but the greatest praise is that your 

" — free latchstring never was drawed in 
Against the poorest child of Adam's kin." 

With such traditions, training and lofty purpose, Mr. Sumner entered 
the arena of politics, not to turn political cranks, nor to swear allegiance 
to every petty master. He pulled no party wires, and he made no servile 
promises. His life was known ; his sentiments had been avowed 
against caste in schools, against the acquisition of slave territory, and 
against war, in his famous oration on the True Grandeur of Nations. 
With regard to scholarship, had not % Everett and Quincy and Adams 
listened delighted to his eloquent, lofty and scholarly homage to the 
memory of Channing, Story and Allston, before his Alma Mater ? His 
robes had not been soiled in the scramble for office. There was a bright 
halo of promise about his spotless integrity, and a charm of novelty in 
his contempt for political chicanery. From these concurrent gifts and 
graces came the hope of a brighter future for the commonwealth than 
she had seen, since recreant public servants had bound her to the slave 
empire. 

From the day of his election, in which Democrat and Freesoiler clasped 
hands,* she breathed freer, and during the twenty-three years of con- 
tinuous service with which she honored him, loftily and honorably, 
bravely and untiringly did he keep alive her old prestige, and once, 
when she herself, blinded by the smoke of the rebellion, saw not so clearly 

* Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America— Henry Wilson, Vol. II, and "Charles 
Sumner's " election as Senator— Works of S. D. Bradford, p. 293 et. seq. 



14 

as he — once, and once only — she turned away her face, censuring him 
with words which stung to the depths of his sensitive soul. Before his 
death, saving herself the anguish of King Lear,* repentant, self-accusing 
and weeping, she folded him once more in her motherly arms, raining 
down a blessing of tears upon the low-bowed head that, ever jealous of 
her stainless honor, was always erect in her service ! Through the vista 
of that stormy period, now dim amid the battle smoke of war and 
patriotic passion, when stalwart treason and giant loyalty had grappled 
in the frenzy of death, what figure stands more calm than his ? Whose 
intellect, steadied more clearly by a well defined conviction, enriched by 
the precedents of history, sees clearer the end to be desired and moves 
more surely to its attainment ? He was the statesman, above all others, 
who was " the closet-student," the expounder of the lore of Greece and 
Rome, the " visionary," " fanatic," the too impracticable statesman for our 
time! 

He lacked, indeed, the bonhomie of Hale, the bluff sturdiness of Giddings, 
and was the political contradictory of Seward, weakness and sinuosity 
personified, the model of average success and policy, quieta non movere ;f 
but he possessed a mind that saw clearly above the passions of the hour 
beyond the wrong which he hated, independent of the misguided friends 
of that wrong whom he always pitied, high over the prostrate race, the 
glad vision of a land freed from the ancient curse, knowing neither 
master nor slave, conqueror nor conquered, where labor was respected, 
equality stretched her ample wings over all and the promises of the De- 
claration of Independence were at length fulfilled. 

This was the idealism of the Senator whose character and talents I 
attempt to sketch to-day — mentem non potui jnngere.% Judged by 
events, was it absurd, visionary or ill-timed? If the capstone has not 
yet reached its place, it is in consequence of no fault of his. He, the 
master workman, has sketched the plan ; has helped to furnish part of 
the work, and is gone; but the perfect design remains in all the purity 
of its original conception. The theorist and idealist — as ever in life, the 
earnest theorist — scoffed at by the short-sighted and the grovelling, 
proves to be, at last, with the triumph of his plans, the sternest realist, 
" the fiercely practical." 

Senator Sumnek began his career as a Statesman at a period when 
the policy of the South seemed every where triumphant. The press was 
gagged, the church defended slavery as " a Divine institution," and 
the statesmen of that time were seeing which could bend the pregnant 
hinges of the knee best, to the # demand of their master. Many were 

* Act Y, -■■ 

t The maxim Walpole complacently received from his father. 

JDurer's inscription under the portrait of Melancthon. 



15 

apologizing for having dared to hope freely abroad, or, inadvertently, at 
home, that America would one day be free. Rewards were offered for 
the heads of men who lived to raise the star-spangled banner again 
over the blackened ramparts of Sumter. South Carolina's star was on 
the wane, as the old Federals had prophesied when she became " a 
parish of Virginia."* Calhoun was dead, and in the place, cf that 
leader, a weaker race from his own State, and a Mason, as a Chrichton 
of chivalry and law, blew the trumpet for Virginia, whose echoing horn 
South Carolina was following. Henry Clay, who looked Winthropinto 
silence, was in the Senate for the last time, when Sumner, Wade and 
Mallory took the senatorial oath. The last time Webster visited the 
scene of his former triumphs, he heard the rising hope of the North, the 
expounder of the old theory of the government, asserting the unconsti- 
tutionality of the same law he had gone down on his knees to ask them 
to accept. Everett had borne testimony to the extrinsic, if not innate, 
virtues of slavery and its universality. Surely Belshazzar's throne was 
secure. The fugitive slave bill was a law, and every northern free- 
man was, by its provision, bound to become a bloodhound. It was an 
hour when Walpole might have said, Caribs black caribs, had no 
representative in Congress ; they had no agent but God, and he was 
seldom called to the bar of the House to defend their cause, f 

Hitherto the sway of the South had been almost undisputed, if we 
except a show of resistance on the Wilmot Proviso and the admission of 
California. John Quincy Adams kept them at bay for ten years, on the 
right of petition and the gag-rule ; but even his anti-slavery contest had 
been secondary to attainment of office, and sprang rather from the 
opposition to petitions and gag-law. While he had desired the day 
of redemption to come, " whether in peace or in blood ;" while 
he gave no encouragement to the petitions for the immediate eman- 
cipation in the District of Columbia, without compensation, but said 
he would vote against it, and sneered at the anti-slavery societies, still he 
could write: " The fire of liberty burns yet, though with a flickering flame 
in New England. It will yet kindle and consume to ashes the dastardly 
sophisms with which slavery would pollute our souls. I may not live to 
see the day, but will wait for it only to say, with Simeon : ' Lord, now 
lettest thou thy servant depart in peace.'" Again: " I rejoice that the 



* "You will have long since seen, by our measures, that this State is a Parish of Virginia. 
Her politics and her measures govern us entirely, and we are, as I believe, perfectly contented 
to rise or fall with Virginia. That Virginia politics will dissolve this Union, I have long 
since predicted, and I look for it at no distant day. "--Life of Josiah Quincy, pp. 190, 192, et 
seq. 

W. Crafts to Josiah Quincy. 

Chancellor H. W. DeSaussure to same, p. 190. 

tWalpolc's Letters, Vol. II, p. 234. 



16 

cause of human freedom is falling into younger and more vigorous hands. 
* * * * The summons has gone forth ; the youthful champions of 
the rights of human nature have buckled and are buckling on their 
armor, and the scourging overseer, the lynching lawyer, and the servile 
sophist, and the faithless scribe and the priestly parasite will vanish 
before them like Satan touched by the spear of Ithuriel." 

The youthful champion was now upon the arena, and with " more 
vigorous hands " had grasped the thunderbolt, awaiting only the fitting 
moment to hurl it at the enemy. The clarion blast which awoke the 
North from its lethargy, which reverberated even through Europe, reveal- 
ing the odious nature of the man-stealing bill, and uniting more firmly 
the champions of freedom, was greeted by Hale as the " new era in the 
history of the politics and of the eloquence of the country," making " a 
draft upon the gratitude of the friends of humanity and liberty that will 
not be paid through many generations." 

Mr. Chase wrote, at the time : " It will distinguish the day when the 
advocates of that theory of governmental policy, constitutional construc- 
tion, which he has so" ably defended and so brilliantly illustrated, no 
longer content to stand upon the defensive in the contest with slavery, 
boldly attacked the very citadel of its power." 

In constitutional learning, in felicity of illustration, in cogent reasoning, 
this speech laid bare the temporary and expedient character of slavery, 
its baseless assumptions and its peculiar sectional claim. At last 
Milton's man " of rare abilities, and more than common industry, not 
only to take back and review what hath been taught heretofore, but to 
o-aiu further, and to go on some new enlightened steps in the discovery 
of truth," had arisen, and thereafter the anti-slavery basis of the Consti- 
tution being vindicated by youth, profound conviction, argument and 
learning, the hitherto helpless minority — Chase, Wade, Hale and 
Seward — had a leader. 

Throughout the Kansas-Nebraska battle he maintained the same pre- 
eminence, protesting against the bad faith of slavery in the repeal of the 
Missouri compromise, protesting at midnight against its passage, when 
rising to the prophetic vein he boldly proclaimed : " Sir, it is the best bill 
on which Congress ever acted, for it annuls all past compromises with 
slavery, and makes any future compromises impossible. Thus it puts free- 
dom and slavery face to faee, and bids them grapple. Who can doubt the 
result t It opens wide the door of the future, when at last there will really 
be a North, and the slave poxoer will be broken, when this wretched despotism 
w ill cease to dominate over our government. * * Thus, Sir, standing at 
the very grave of freedom in Nebraska and Kansas, I lift myself to the 
vision of that happy resurrection by which freedom will be assured, not only 
in these Territories, but everywhere under the National Government. More 



17 

clearly than ever before, I now penetrate that great future when slavery 
must disappear. Proudly I discern the flag of my country, as it ripples in 
every breeze, at last in reality, as in name, the flag of freedom, undoubted, 
pure and irresistible. Am I right, then, in calling this bill the best on which 
Congress ever acted?" Thus in all the manly vigor of intellect and 
heart, the statesman of the new crusade, a scholar by education and 
thorough training, a constitutional lawyer by instinct and extraordinary 
opportunities of study, both at home and abroad, a statesman in the 
broadest sense, since he possessed the prophetic second-sight, seeing the 
futility and the unpardonable error, the false economy of tampering 
with wrong, pointed out the true policy of the nation. Ah ! had it 
been followed, instead of the perfidious scheme of the ambitious and 
pliant Douglass, stimulated by the insensate advocates of slavery, we 
should have been, by this policy of freedom, preserved from the horrors 
and the uncalculable losses of the civil war. 

When South Carolina boasted, in reply that slavery gave us the consti- 
tution, he opened the pages of her history and showed the record, adding, 
" And yet, in the face of this combined and authoritative testimony, we 
are called to listen, in the American Senate, to the arrogant boast from 
a venerable Senator, that American Independence was achieved by the 
arms and treasures of slave-holding communities;" an assumption base- 
less as the fabric of a vision, in any way it riiay be interpreted. * * * 
Not by slavery, but in spite of slavery, was Independence achieved. 
Not because, but notwithstanding, there were ' slave-holding communities,' 
did triumph descend upon our arms." 

He, too, was the first to air the pretentious of the supercilious Mason, 
and prick the thin bubble of his legal assumption. Our champion of 
liberty gave him, (the author of the hated bill) no quarter. " With 
imperious look," said Senator Sumner, " and in the style of Sir Forcible 
Feeble, that Senator undertakes to call in question my statement, that 
the fugitive slave Act denies the writ of habeas corpus, and, in doing this, 
he assumes a superiority for himself, which, permit me to tell him now 
in this presence, nothing in him can warrant ; * * * and to his peremptory 
assertion, that the fugitive slave Act does not deny the habeas corpus, I 
oppose my assertion, peremptory as his own, that it does, and there I 
leave the issue. * * * * Sir, I challenge the Senator to defend his 
progeny not by assertion but by reason. Let him rally all the ability, 
learning and subtlety which he can command, and undertake the impos- 
sible work." 

Some of you may still remember the forensic and phillipic, in which 

he denounced and portrayed the Crime against Kansas. All of us are 

familiar, sadly familiar, with the details of the cowardly assault which 

followed the delivery of that speech, while his victim was engaged in 

2 



18 

writing, and with back to his foe, by a son of South Carolina and an 
alumnus of the South Carolina College. The hot blooded atrocity of 
the assault dwindles, if it were possible, beside the cool approval of this 
species of argument by Jefferson Davis, Mason, Toombs and the press of 
Charleston, Columbia and Richmond, and the elaborate eulogy of the 
Southern Quarterly Review, * which justified or palliated its enor- 
mity. Senator Sumner himself freely forgave, at the time, his personal 
assailant, and afterwards, so generously, the section which applauded, 
that the caricaturist has recently represented him as casting flowers 
upon the grave of Preston S. Brooks. Easily, then, can we forgive, at 
this late day, in view of the stupendous effect it had upon the country, 
and remembering how the Mephistopheles that prompted the blow lias 
been laid low. 

That assault was like a trumpet-call to the doubtful and indifferent. 
It united the friends of freedom, saved Kansas from slavery, and helped 
to form the great Republican party, destined, I trust, to carry out to 
its utmost fulfilment the true Republican doctrine — Equal Rights 
for ALL. 

Years of exile followed, during which, in pursuit of health, in the moun- 
tains of his native land and across the sea, he wandered, never forgetful 
of the cause for the vindication of which he had been stricken down. 
"Willingly he submitted to the surgeon's knife and the burning iron, endur- 
ing the pangs of cauterization without recourse to anaesthetics, and bear- 
ing all with a fortitude and heroic endurance that challenged the admi- 
ration of the physicians, and proved that moral and physical courage 
are not inverse qualities, but capable of reaching their highest expres- 
sion in the same mau.f During all his exile Massachusetts kept the va- 
cant chair for him, deeming no other son worthy to fill that seat while he 
lived. He was not idle while seeking that former vigor, which, alas ! never 
returned, except to the brain, which not even a bludgeon could perma- 
nently injure. 

*"Aman who would endeavqr to fix a fanatic by argument, says a renowned English 
writer, might as wellattempt to spread quicksilver with his fingers. Mr. Brooks concluded 
it was hi- duly to chastise. Il<' was impelled by the double motive of vindicating the honor 
of his State, ami the character of his aged and beloved relative. He hid sought him repeat- 
edly in the Capitol grounds and elsewhere, but it became apparent that Mr. Sumner had 
determined to keep out of his way. The Senate Chamber was the only place where he could 
meet him, and he made up his mind to inflict the punishment upon the very spot where he 
had perpetrated the outrage." February, 1857, Vol. If, Article , II inorable Preston S. Brooks, 

t I saw Charles Sumner in Rome, he looked well, lint was much mure disconcerted by com- 
ing up two or three flights of stairs than a strong man would have been. 

— Life of Samuel ■/. May. 

Dr. Brown- Sequard, in his Lowell Institute course, a year ago, volunteered the interjected 
remark, in illustrating a point under treatment, that he never in his practice subjected a 
patienttoa more terrible ordeal than he did Mr. Sumner, after his injury in the Senate 
Chamber, and he never saw the severest known treatment endured by any man with more 
unflinching nerve than by that Senator.— Boston Journal. 



19 

On his sick couch, and during his saunterings about the art treasuries 
of Paris, the Louvre and the Luxemboug, he cultivated anew those 
aesthetic tastes which made him the friend of the meritorious artists, the 
delightful companion of the virtuoso and the compeer of the learned 
connoisseur. The fruits of that enforced leisure were seen in the rare 
gems, the souvenirs of the Rostra and the Bema, the Forum and Mars 
Hill, the Place de la Concorde, the Colonua Trajana, the Vatican and 
Versailles, painting, engraving, bust, statue, books and coins, which pro- 
claimed his taste, relieved the solid days of toil, beguiled those of slow 
recovery, amused him and instructed many a friend. 

The opposition prophesied he would never return. The wish was 
father to the thought. But he did return and filled that empty chair with 
even more grace and intrepidity, with additional learning, intensified 
hostility, and an opposition so determined as to be destined to end only 
in the utter extermination of the cause. 

"Who can forget, who heard of it, or fail to be inspired with it, who 
reads to-day, the war of the onset which told of the attack on the 
Barbarism of Slavery. His was the right, by virtue of suffering, to lead 
the van, as, in the days of old, his Kentish ancestors claimed the front 
of battle as their right, and formed, at a well-known siege, the majority 
of the hosts of King Henry of Navarre. It justified the faith of the 
State in waiting for him ; it confirmed the brilliant predictions of his 
friends and the gloomy forebodings of his enemies. The venerable 
Quincy, the first Mayor of Boston, while Senator Sumner was 
a Latin-school boy, and the energetic head of the University when 
he was a senior in college, was not too enthusiastic when he had 
welcomed him home, in " the voice of the great multitude of your 
fellow-citizens. In their name, and by their authority, I welcome you. 
home to Massachusetts, expressing their honor and thanks for the 
fidelity with which you have fulfiled your duties as their representative 
in the Senate of the United States, where, unshaken, unseduced, 
unterrified, you kept your love, your zeal and your loyalty to liberty, 
where neither number nor example, threat nor sneer, ' within you 
wrought to swerve from truth, or change your constant mind.' " 

The period marked by his return to his seat and the onset against 
slavery, strengthened by the increased anti-slavery sentiment of the 
North, portray vividly the second and most active period of his career. 
A short summary is only a partial record of his valuable service during the 
vacillations, treachery and vicissitudes of the war. Throughout the 
entire period, whether in his place in the Senate, as the adviser, friend 
and companion of the Martyr-President, in raising troops, encouraging 
Governor Andrew, demonstrating the necessities and safety of Emanci- 
pation, or in organizing colored troops, demanding equal rights for their 



20 

officers, rebuking Massachusetts' officers who toadied to rebellion, or aid- 
ing by his own personal appeal to President Lincoln, emancipation in the 
District of Columbia, protesting against the return of fugitives who 
brought information to our armies, or urging the recognition of Liberia 
and Hayti among the family of nations, opposing the inscription of 
names of victories over our own fellow-citizens, on regimental colors, 
asserting the right of Fremont and Hunter to fight rebellion with fire, 
urging National Emancipation or opposing, with all his ability, the 
double-dealing policy of England on armed neutrality, until, at last, 
the negro a soldier, emancipation proclaimed, the war a reality, the 
North in earnest, victory perched upon the triumphant eagles of the 
Republic, proclaiming the soil of America henceforth sacred to freedom — 
the Senator from Massachusetts was ever earnest, loyal, hopeful, 
indefatigable and constant of purpose. 

It makes no difference whether we judge his statesmanship by the mea- 
sures he advocated on his first appearance in public life, by any of his pub- 
lished speeches or addresses during his early senatorial career or in its later 
ripening, during the period of the w T ar with its intricate duties and 
delicate trials, or amid the equal dangers of President Johnson's treachery 
and incompetency, or the perplexities and really grave questions of recon- 
struction, we shall find in him the same grasp of fundamental principles, 
that keen discrimination which separates the essential from the accidental, 
an ustounding accumulation of precedents and a wealth of illustrations 
always pertinent and sound in law and analogy, a variety of topics, and 
an infinity of details that prove him to have been the hardest worker, 
the clearest headed man, the most pains-taking and really patriotic 
Senator in the halls of Congress. Go b'ack to the list as it greets us on 
the page of history ; consult the records of those portentous years 
locked up in the archives of legislation, and while Seward was diplo- 
matic, machiavelian, and despotic, and Chase intrepid, and careful of 
the purse strings, Stevens unconquerable and Wade determined, Fessen- 
den eloquent and Schurz learned and versatile, but understanding liberty 
to mean one thing in America and another in Germany, Sumner seems 
to have combined, just so far as it was possible, the highest and best 
qualities of all. Had you asked any of them in their day, who was the 
ablest mind, they would have assigned the second place to Charles 
Sumner, as the generals .after Salamis, arrogating the merits of the 
victory as due first to themselves unanimously gave Themistocles the 
second place. Henceforth, as the student of our earlier history seeks 
the pages of Hamilton and Jefferson and Adams and Madison, to learn 
the hidden springs and motives, the aim and scope, as well as the insid- 
ious and open dangers that menaced our infant nation, so he who would 
know at what a cost and through what perils our liberties, now partially 



21 

attained, have been rescued, must seek it in the intellectual remains, the 
monument cere perennius, which the patriotism and industry of Charles 
Sumner has left behind to instruct and stimulate the youth of our 
country.* 

It would be a far seeing and wise policy which would establish in our 
own University an annual prize dissertation demanding on the part of 
the contestants a thorough examination of these speeches and addresses, 
and the period to which they refer. Judging Senator Sumner by these 
alone, and they are an irrefutable record, I dare to call him, compared 
with any standard, ancient or modern, a statesman in the truest and most 
enduring sense. In addition to his accumulated stores of learning on 
matters of public policy, he looked into the future, hoping to find that 
ideal and permanent good, based upon the Golden Rule, the Declaration 
and the Constitution : and until the one loses its high place in pure 
ethics or the other in politics, or the latter among the compact of nations, 
we ought not to censure him who aims to make them realities in the 
State. 

He entered public life in the weak minority, a gallant Swiss band of 
freemen, couargeous enough to die willingly at their posts, rather 
than desert their colors. He lived to wield, amid the jealous and presump- 
tuous, the wand of a powerful majority, not always directly and openly, 
for the great leader generally offends some, oftentimes the majority : it is 
only the politician of more cunning than soul, and possessing more in- 
tellect than conscience, who pleases the crowd and is considered " avail- 
able." 

Mere party zeal did not unduly influence him, although, strictly 
speaking, he was a partizan. Authority, founded upon any other than 
just principles, had no terrors for him, 

" When new Presbyter was only old Priest writ large." 

He had a lofty dogmatism, self-assertion, imperiousness, whatever we 
may call it, which is never, at least, the characteristic of a weak mind. 
In him it was the calm expression of conscious worth and rectitude of 
intention. At worst it only reminds one of Cicero and Burke, Dr. John- 
son and Calvin, Knox and Milton. Unlike the timid Tully, nihil affir- 
viabo, quaeram omnia, dubitans plerumque et mihi ipse diffidens, he always 
enunciated some truth, sought only one end, doubted nothing and never 
despaired of himself. He dared, amidst the excitement of the war, an- 
nounce, No Names of Victories over Fellow-citizens on Regimental Colors, 
remembering that no Triumph was led up the via sacra for the conquerers 
in a civil war, that the Romans forbade Caesar to enjoy a triumph over 

*Works of Charles Sumner, Lee & Shepard, Boston, 1871. 



22 

Pompey, and that neither Cnlloden, Bunker Hill, Camden, Guilford Court 
House, Yorktown or Saratoga can be seen upon the colors of the British 
regiments, that served in Scotland and America. Cavalier and Roundhead, 
Guelph and Ghibelline, Monarchist and Republican, unite to forget the 
horrors of a civil war, and are unwilling that the smouldering coals of treason 
should be kept alive by signs of degradation and defeat. In time of war 
all things were just to save the Republic. Everything for Human Rights, 
nothing for sectional triumph. Equal laws for all citizens. No im- 
munities from duties, and no withholding of rights. These are the 
axioms of a statesman. For the maintenance of such sentiments he 
bore, with patience and his usual firmness, the storm of opprobrium, 
which at a later time his Battle-flag Resolution raised, receiving without a 
remonstrance the censure of his beloved commonwealth, until at last the 
true public policy prevailed, toiling slowly up to the height upon which he 
stood, and the old Bay State, with averted head, tore out the shameful 
page from her statute book and sent a negro, one of her own law-givers and 
the Senator's personal friend, to announce the retraction. 

When slavery considered itself best intrenched, and had insolently 
leaped over the slight wall of freedom, just rearing its crested head, it 
was Sumner who prophesied the down-fall, which he lived to see. When 
treason was stealing forts and hurrying our ships to foreign waters, and 
northern sycophants were endeavoring to apply the old poultice of 
compromise, short-sighted men, well-meaning men, perhaps, who would 
have " saved " the Union with tears and surrender of principle, 
rather than by the strong arms of its loyal defenders, came to him, 
among them life-long friends, respected instructors once, allies in politics 
often, with revered leaders, whose age begot respect; but they found 
him inflexible. 

Justum et tenacetn propositi virum 
Nod eivium ardor pravajubeatium, 
Nun voltus instantis tyrrani 
Monte quatit solida, neque Auster. 

The popular heart was inflamed to the white heat of war. We were 
about to sacrifice upon the altar of our wounded pride a principle of 
international law for which we had contended since the establishment 
of the government. His voice, speaking from the Senate chamber, 
with the authority of his position and knowledge, strengthened the 
hands of the Secretary of State at that most perilous juncture. It 
was heard, far above the ominous murmurs and rumblings without the 
Senate, advising the surrender of his former political oppouents, Mason 
and Slidell ! On questions of reconstruction his advice was followed in 
nearly every instance. When President Lincoln, injudiciously, was 
about to turn over Louisiana to rebel control, Sumner saved the State 



23 

by a series of parliamentary tactics that proved him master of the 
situation. 

Was it a question of finance? He was always in favor of a speedy 
return to specie payments, and a prompt and honest payment to the pub- 
lic creditor. He took this stand, not from sectional interest, but rather 
from the grounds of its justice and undoubted expediency. He was con- 
firmed in this by reading and the experience of nations. The speeches he 
delivered in the Senate, at the Boston Exchange, and in favor of Gen- 
eral Grant's election in 1868, all contain the same sentiments. 

Was he the indiscriminate eulogizer of England, as many would have us 
believe? Let us recall the fate of the Johnson-Clarendon Treaty, which 
he stopped on its joyous march through the Senate, in the face of a large 
majority, and sent back to the oblivion it merited. The first instance, 
I believe, in the history of our country, sustaining the National honor and 
rendering arbitration, the loved theme of his youth a possibility. Once 
it was the South hating him as the embodiment of the voting abolition- 
ists. Then, it was the loyal North, believing he wished to detract from 
the fame of the patriotic dead. Lastly, England, whose past was so full 
to him of all that was heroic iu suffering and lofty in patriotism and 
great in intellect, was fiercest in her upbraiding;. Cculd there be any 
better test of the breadth and humanitarian aspects of his statesmanship 
than that all, at last, came up to his view, when the sober second thought 
cleared their mental vision. He advised neutrality with regard to 
Spain and Cuba three years ago, and during the excitement, a short time 
before his death. Not from a lack of sympathy with the struggling Cu- 
bans, but, beside the difficulties of International Law, he scorned to help 
men who shouted against oppression while they themselves held slaves. 
In railroad matters, commerce, protection to shipping, more general 
principles of public policy, on all he has left an opinion, not one, per- 
haps, dare I venture to say, from which some may not honestly differ 
with him, but all bearing evidences of close thinking and a trained and 
thoughtful mind. 

Did he have influence and possess political acumen? He killed the 
Santo Domingo negotiations, and every lover of his country ought to re- 
joice at it. Iu 1868 he stated the issue of the canvass to be, "Shall the 
men ivho saved the Republic continue to rule it, or shall it be handed over to 
rebels and their allies?" The question is very nearly answered to-day, 
when a guerrilla chief rules the political fortunes of Virginia, under the 
sanction of a Republican President; when Stephens and Gordon dare to 
creep back to the United States Congress, and unblushiugly argue against 
the rights of six millions of their fellow-citizens, their superiors, so far 
as the benefits of the republic are concerned ; when the first victory for 
those conquered in the Rebellion is celebrated by the booming of cannon 
upon the defeat of the Civil Rights bill. 



24 

While Senator Sumner was magnanimous and forgiving, he did not 
cringe to traitors nor hasten to grant favors to rebels while he withheld rights 
from loyalists. Upright in his own private life, too pure to be contami- 
nated with the vices of the Capital, austere in his public capacity, no 
shadow of corruption dogging his footsteps, caste integreque, who could 
more consistently sound the alarm? He who,Cato-like, had never pandered 
to place and power himself, could not easily condone for another's weak- 
ness. Well he knew that the most trying period of a country was not 
when the armies were in the field and the plough was forsaken, the work- 
shop closed; but after the victory had been won, when the cowardly, the 
false-hearted, those who were ready to stop the war at any time and let 
slavery rule, the men who never fought for the idea on either side, they 
who lived only by the hope of power or a thirst for political aggrandize- 
ment, too often retarded the attainment of some rights and wickedly 
bartered away those secured by centuries of toil. France, after 1793, 
England swinging back into corruption and every species of political and 
social vice on the accession of Charles II, are melancholy and dis- 
heartening instances. 

" There are a thousand evils worse than death or any war." 

But the " practical statesman," in distinction from the idealist, finds 
places for his friends, and as he mounts the ladder himself, helps up his 
less fortunate comrades below. A portfolio, or a mission, an office, or 
" a job," is the return. Fidelity to principle is not wholly unrewarded, 
though sometimes it wait long for recognition. Of those who combined 
to send Senator Sumner to the Senate twenty-four years ago, all have 
enjoyed a fair share of honors, whether by the lucky juncture of the stars, 
the flight of birds, or the self abnegation of one who considered the sen- 
atorship from Massachusetts the highest office in the land, it is not for 
me to say. It happened that the gifted Rantoul and Horace Mann, the 
foremost educator America has produced, both went to Congress, although 
they died prematurely for the good of the State and their own 
promising fame. Palfrey became a prominent office-holder, Henry 
Wilson, the Warwick of the movement, became Senator, and is now our 
honored Vice-President. Banks became Speaker of the Lower House, 
went to Congress, and was an able Speaker of that body in the lower 
branch, Adams was Minister to the Court of St, James, during the 
perilous negotiations of the war, winning honors for his family name and 
State, for the third generation of diplomatic service, Andrew became the 
foremost war Governor, who kept Massachusetts always at the front, and 
upon whose great heart Sumner leaned with genuine confidence. Of 
his compeers in the Senate minority, Hale and Wade, Seward and Chase, 
all played their parts well, meriting and receiving well of the Republic. 



25 

When President Lincoln, relying upon the ability and valuing the 
assistance Senator Sumner had rendered, sought to do him honor, 
he offered him the highest office in the gift of the American peo- 
ple—the Chief Justiceship. But he declined in favor of his friend 
Chase, whose appointment he advocated and carried in the teeth of much 
opposition. We cannot help pausing to admire such disinterestedness 
of spirit and self-sacrifice for the good of others. Decline a seat on that 
Bench, already dignified by the ability and learning of a Marshall and a 
Story ! Decline to be a successor of that teacher whose favorite pupil he 
had been at the law school, whose chair he had filled so acceptably, 
while yet a young man, whose reports he had edited with such ability ! 
Refuse it at a time of life when the main battle for which he had de- 
voted himself had been fought and won ; when true scholarship, peculiar 
fitness and congeniality of pursuit woo to ease and literary tranquility ! 

Thirty years before, when a young stripling in the law, but of 
brilliant promise, a boarder in the same house with Grayson, McDuffie 
and Griffin of South Carolina, and Dr. Lieber, afterwards the distin- 
guished professor in the South Carolina College, Dr. Blake, of Washing- 
ton, another boarder, still living and respected, there, struck by the remark- 
able ability of the youthful Sumner, prophesied that he would one day wear 
the highest judicial ermine.* Here was the opportunity, and the 
temptation could not, perhaps, have been presented in a more seductive 
form. He felt, however, that liberty was not yet fully secured. There 
remained much to be done, which no one could do so well as he in the 
Senate. While upon the bench, the main issues — the amendments and 
finance — could be trusted in the hands of a veteran like Chase. 

He put aside ambition aud adhered to duty. The slave of Epaph- 
roditus must have had such a noble soul in mind when he said : 
" Who then is unconquerable ? He whom the inevitable cannot over- 
come. For such a person I imagine every trial, and watch him as an 
athlete in each. He has been victorious in the first encounter. What 
will he do in the second ? * * * What if he be tested by fame, by 
calumny, by praise, by death ? He is able to overcome them all. If 



* " A few clays before his departure from Washington, [1834,] Dr. Blake remarked to him : 
'Mr. Sumner, * * * I make the prophesy that, if you live and diligently pursue your 
profession, the mantle which John Marshall now so gracefully wears will some day descend 
upon your shoulders.' * * * When the announcement of the appointment of Judge 
Chase was made, it soon became spread about that it was accomplished through the influence 
of Senator Sumner, who was the earnest friend of both Secretary Chase and President 
Lincoln; ami perceiving that an estrangement of feeling was growing up between them, and 
apprehending that it might result, if not checked, in an open rupture and endanger the 
harmony of the party, he sacrificed his own interest for the sake of friendship, and the good 
of his party, and it was mainly through his instrumentality and exertions that the selection 
devolved upon Judge Chase."— Recollections of Sumner, by Dr. J. B. Blake.— National 
Republican, Washington, March, 1S74. 



26 

he can bear sunshine and storm, discouragement and fatigue, I pro- 
nounce him an athlete unconquered indeed."* 

These acts, a part only of the honorable record he has left, assert the 
character and breadth of his statesmanship. He did not believe with 
Macaulay and Peel, with Palmerston and Disraeli, that statesmanship 
consists in compromise. The trimmer, he knew was ever a heartless, 
supple-jointed creature, who cared naught for principle, loving only the 
retention of power, if he possessed it, and striving only to attain it even 
if it were obtained by a murder of his faith. And he had studied the 
history of compromises, on question of right, too well to trust over- 
much to their seductive song. Willingly would he have sacrificed the 
good of some to preserve the rights of all ; but it could only be done 
when there was an identity as well as an equivalence of rights and the 
common cause must be really in danger. The famished sailors wrecked 
on the merciless deep may justly cast lots for the sacrifice. When 
favoring breezes follow and the good ship is in no danger, they cannot, 
without invoking disaster, sacrifice their weaker passenger or feeble 
sailor. The test of real statesmanship is when it preserves the rights of 
the minority, while it holds with a strong hand, for public ends solely, 
the rule of the majority. It seeks for causes that are eternal, not 
evanescent, and employs means to reach simply the true states- 
man's end, either the maintenance or the re-establishment of Justice. 
It looks at the future more than the present, and but little at the 
past. Where no lasting principle is to be maintained for the future, 
there can be no statesmanship in the true sense. In days of compro- 
mise the politician may barter away the peace of a community, or the 
honor of his country, professing always his desire to preserve them. 
But the statesman sees in such subterfuges only the patching of the 
bridge, the plugging up the leak in the dyke with an old rag. He 
knows these are the last resort of minds of inferior discernment, the 
timidity of hearts postponing, until after their day, the sweep of the 
deluge. 

Gladstone, devoting his retirement from office to the triumphs of 
scholarship, is only, to my mind, one grade less in height, because he 
dared not, being an Englishman, do full and complete justice to Ire- 
laud. In defeat even, so far as he was sincere and earnest in reform, 
he looms up above his wily compeer. Calhoun was a statesman in 
the true sense ; for the test must be independent of the principles in- 
volved. He believed slavery to be equitable and just. He foresaw the 
sure influence of the States destined to draw a cordon about the system, 
and hence he first sought to strengthen the argument which should be, 

* The works of Epictetas.— T. W. Higginson, pp. 5C>, 57. 



27 

iu case of failure, a basis of safety, then, like a skilful general, he 
moved to the attack. Defeated by the firmness and promptness of Jack- 
son, he shifted, adroitly, the arena and the weapons. He aimed to con- 
trol the Senate and the cabinets, thus increasing the political impor- 
tance of his section. Men of his own incorrupt nature and profound 
conviction could only successfully cope with him, and, even they, dubi- 
ously, had he not been contending against the inevitable— the power 
higher than that of man — that power which crushed Napoleon, and 
saved the liberties of Europe on the field of Waterloo, and cast down 
his nephew at Sedan— that power which preserved in safety from the 
Moncks, Clarendons, Buckinghams and Rochesters the germs of civil 
and religious liberty in England — the same power which, thus far in 
our history, has neutralized the mild treason of Burr, the ambition of 
Webster, the weakness of Douglass and the treachery of Jefferson Davis. 
The history of the American trimmer, like that of his English proto- 
type, is the story of men of learning, often men of consummate ability, 
enervated by success and pleasure, intoxicated with power, or, too often, 
inflamed with a love of gold and fame. Run over the list, it is no 
difficult task, and you will find the statesmen casting their clear, steady 
light from comparatively few centres, while the whole concave of our 
history is scintillating with the borrowed light of the temporizers. Few 
know their names, and we group them in constellations. Numerically 
they appear great. Individually they are as good as ciphers. 

The Statesman, building not for a day but for all time, is open to the 
cavils and censures of the feebler artist. The product often of two or 
three generations of culture himself, the happy combination of tempera- 
ments and opportunities, the foe of mere precedent and routine, no 
wonder it is that the huugry, jostling ephemera do not comprehend him, 
and are unable to measure his lofty stature with their ten foot poles. 

St. Peter's, seen near at hand, is disappointing, so the travelers tell us. 
But viewed from the extensive plain of the historic campagna and bathed 
in the rich glow of an Italian sunset, it reveals in that gorgeous dome and 
symmetrical structure the vast design of Buonarroti. Our own national 
Capitol, much abused and belittled far more than its deserts, used to be a 
source of annoyance from whatever part of the great city it was seen ; 
but since the spirit of improvement has dared to carry into effect 
the original design of Washington, and broad avenues have been suita- 
bly graded to its base, from whatever quarter of the city you behold 
it, the elegance and beautiful proportions of the building fill out 
the artistic conception. In such a sense as this, Senator Sumner 
was not appreciated, often by real friends. In this same loftiness above 
the common standard, he was often deceived by the petty. So grand, 
however, were his own conceptions of right and duty, that no evil result 



28 

followed. I ventured to differ with him in 1872 on the question of 
President Grant's renomination, and I essayed to point out to him, as we 
were crossing the ferry from Jersey City to New York, that the colored 
people of the country could not follow his advice, then recently given, to 
vote for their old friend Mr. Greeley. Granting, if necessary, all that 
he had urged, and he did it with an earnestness and breadth of view 
which I wish his associates had understood at the time, I stated the sim- 
ple issue to be, if no other, the safety of the colored people of the South. 
In that conversation alone, he disclosed to me the extent of his states- 
manship and nationality, in no sense narrow or partizan. His father- 
land was not the dear old Boston, which gave him birth, nor the natural 
boundaries of mountain and stream or the pettier limits of State lines. 
It was a statesmanship which loved the native land when she was the 
asylum of the oppressed and the promoter of the best interest of man- 
kind. Lessing might say "Patrotism" was a thing he had no con- 
ception of; at the highest considering it only a heroic weakness, which 
he was glad to be without. He only uttered what many silently but 
unsuspiciously believe. At best their conception is only a negative one, 
shadowy, vague, indefinite, having no adequate expression. No more 
than the finite can grasp the infinite or the vulgar comprehend the rea- 
soning of the learned can patriotism, the basis of statesmanship, be com- 
prehended by any except the truly heroic mind. Never can it be fully 
known unless it be by the man who sees in his own land only a portion 
of that Republic of Nations destined at some time to exist on the earth. 
Senator Sumner will hold an honorable place as a scholar beside 
any of his cotemporaries, and far in advance of many of his predecessors, 
upon whom we are accustomed to look as wonders of learning. If 
scholarship be not restricted to the exhaustive pursuit of a single branch 
of learning, but, more extended to that extensive basis of all learning, 
ancient and modern, which constitutes the culture of our day, and dis- 
tinguishes the scholar from the pedant or the gerund-grinder, then 
he yields to none of his cotemporaries. The extent and thorough- 
ness of his classical knowledge is shown in his published speeches, though 
not so strongly by that, to the judicious, as the daily conversation on those 
subjects of poetry and heroic prose with which the classics abound. Here 
he was pre-eminently at home. In history and international law, I 
imagine he has had few, if any superiors in the Senate, while in general 
literature his attainmeuts ofteu astounded his friends. As chairman of 
the Committee of Foreign Relations, he brought a mature mind, 
more solid training, the fruits of longer legislative experience, and more 
adequate idea of the requirements of that arduous position and a better 
acquaintance with " the language of diplomacy," than any of his prede- 
cessors. His name will rank worthily with the Adamses, Legare, 



29 

Rutledge and Dallas, Webster and Everett. In the history of the im- 
portant constitutional periods, he was extensively and deeply read, as I 
have had abundant opportunity of knowing. There seemed indeed 
scarcely a name with which he was not intimately familiar. The founda- 
tions of this vast store of knowledge was laid while at College in 
the magnificent library which he always remembered through life, 
when he attended the lectures of the different professors in law, art, belles- 
lettres, philosophy, and afterwards while studying Italian history and 
literature at Rome from early morning until five in the evening, and then 
exploring the treasures of art under the tutelage of Crawford, whose bust 
of him while young is in the library at Cambridge. During the period 
of his study of the law, and directly after his admission to the bar, it was 
sensibly increased ; but it was enlarged while abroad, and augmented and 
systematized during the years of his senatorship, when social ostracism 
banished him to the society of those friends that delight us at home and 
accompany us abroad. He was a devourer of books, I often thought a 
species of biblio-megatherium, possessing at the same time prodigious 
powers of acquisition and assimilation. Lawyer like, he always knew 
where to go for what he wished, possessed such a troop of learned friends, 
as easily followed any trail he once started. The records of his draughts 
upon the Congressional Library, and the testimony of the Athemeum 
and the Harvard Libraries, when he was supposed to be enjoying the 
congressional vacation, will, I am sure, bear out this assertion of his 
" terrible " reading. 

He was ecmally a toiler, wearing out secretaries, and, like all great 
minds in any department, was both artist and artizan. No labor was too 
difficult for him ; the very drudgery of the copyist he did not despise. 
He had served his apprenticeship at the slavery of the law in America 
and England, and the pile of manuscripts which were found upon his 
floor early in the morning and late at night, gave evidence of that train- 
ing, and his natural capacity. 

Amid the fiercest debates, at times of his utmost physical prostration, 
he found leisure, often against the remonstrance of his physician, to an- 
swer by his own hand trivial letters of his humblest correspondents. I have 
had the pleasure of looking over much of his valuable war corres- 
pondence, and I hope, at some early day, it may see the light, to show 
how varied in station and situation the correspondents of this noble soul 
were. When he was surrounded by his friends, embanked often by 
books and newspapers, his tables, chairs and lounge actually covered with 
volumes in German, Italian, French, Latin and Greek, the cheery lamp 
burning and the open grate shedding its soft light upon his classic 
face, he always seemed to me one of the type of statesman of another 
age, a literary character of the last century. How supremely happy, 



30 

child-like and genial he appeared at such times ! With what tenderness 
he would bring forth his art and literary treasures, a missal, some book 
in law French or patois, a black lettered volume, Claudlanus with the poet 
Gray's autograph, Cicero de Officii-' in MSS. of the XVth century, Haydns' 
Armida, in MSS. by the author, Ossians Poems with Byron's autograph, 
Pindar with notes in Milton's hand writing, a little book with Sum Ben 
Jonsoni, Grotius' Booh of Autographs with notes by Milton on Seneca, 
here a copy of Popes Essay on Man, with the author's MSS. , notes and 
corrections, showing his critical ear and almost faultless taste ; there the 
Bible of Bunyan, with the tinker's neat autograph, on one side the book 
in which the name America occurs for the first time amid ponderous 
Latin, and on the other Burns' "Scots ivhahae wi Wallace bled," in that 
bold round hand of Scotland's ablest bard ! How grandly, too, would 
he sometimes read those lines which Burns composed during the ride in 
the blinding storm, drenched with rain, but in imagination charging the 
English army with Bruce at Bauuockburn ! 

" By oppression's woes and pains ; 
By your sons in servile chains, 
We will drain our clearest veins 

But they shall— they shall be free I 

Lay the proud usurper low! 
Tyrants fall in every foe ! 
Liberty's in every blow ! 
Forward ! Let us do, or die I" 

The large collection of engravings and paintings which gave his 
apartments the appearance of an art gallery, would have stamped him as 
a man of the highest taste in art, had he not left a more notable proof 
in an admirable article contributed to a literary magazine.* Before the 
death of his mother many of these paintings adorned the walls of the 
modest mansion, No. 20 Hancock street, but were afterwards re- 
moved to his residence in Washington. Many of them were master 
pieces, but the engravings, while valuable as a private collection, 
were surpassed by more elaborate and costly ones, the Appleton in 
the halls of the Boston Public Library, and the famous Gray collection 
at Cambridge, gathered at an expense of $30,000, and in some respects 
one of the best private collections in the world. The munificent donor 
of these engravings gave an unlimited commission to that distinguished 
connoisseur, Dr. Louis Thies, to purchase them in Europe, being aware of 
his long experience and knowledge of the subject. As this collection of 
engravings was the indirect means of introducing me to Senator Sumner 
and of getting an estimate of his knowledge of art from one who had 
devoted a lifetime to its cultivation, I may be pardoned for relating 
the incident here. 



* " The City "—The Best Portraits in Engraving— New York— January, 1872. 



31 

Dr. Thies was the curator of the engravings, and learning, through 
his son, a college friend, of my taste for art, kindly invited two other 
collegians and me, as an especial mark of favor, to view the engraving, 
at that time kept jealously guarded in the upper story of Gore Hall, 
away from the sight and touch of the profane ; but since, as I learn, 
by a more liberal policy, thrown freely open to the student-world. 
Never shall I forget that day when we roamed delighted through those 
treasures of the limner's art. — "E. S." (1466), Martin Schongauer, Al- 
brecht Durer, 

" Emigravit " is the inscription on the tombstone where he lies, 
Dead he is not,— but departed, — for the artist never dies." 

Penez's vignettes and those of the cousins Behmen, Durer's successors. 
My enthusiasm, overflowed in an article contributed to the college 
paper, which, happening to be issued on " class-day," met the eye of 
Senator Sumner, then visiting the poet Longfellow. He inquired of Dr. 
Thies the author. It was conjectured by the latter gentleman that I 
was the guilty one. As a punishment for my audacity, I had the honor 
of receiving the Senator's card, through Dr. Thies, with an invitation to 
call on him. In presenting the invitation, I remember, Mr. Thies said, 
"You will have an excellent opportunity of conversing on art, and will 
gain much information, for the Senator is, in my opinion, the best art 
critic in America.'" 

I found him on this occasion in company with an eminent Judge and 
author of western Massachusetts,* and his private secretary. f He w T as 
reclining upon a lounge, conversing with the Judge, and correcting, at 
the same time, that able address of his on the " Position and Duties 
of the Merchant, illustrated by the Life of Granville Sharp," in which 
he had quoted the well-known extract from Lord Brougham's speech 
on negro slavery, beginning, " Tell me not of rights — talk not of the 
property of the planter in his slaves. I deny the right — I acknowledge 
not the property. The principles, the feelings of our common nature, 
rise in rebellion against it." The conversation naturally turned upon 
this passage, and he pointed out the effect of Lord Brougham's accu- 
rate study of Demosthenes, in the arrangement of the sentences, the 
order of the emphatic words, and the effect of the rhetorical order, 
criticising, if I remember correctly, the use of one or two words. From 
the speech of Lord Brougham, to his own acquaintance with him, was an 
easy transition, and for nearly two hours he entertained the learned Judge, 
Secretary, and a college junior, with delightful reminiscences of the Eng- 
lish statesman of that day. Thus began a friendship with one whom I 
shall ever revere, not so much from his extraordinary gifts of head and 

* Joel Prentiss Bishop, Esq. t Moorfield Story, Esq. 



32 

heart as his unselfish, uninterrupted and ardent championship of my 
race — a friendship which lasted, deepening and extending on my part, 
till I received the telegram announcing his death. 

Long had I reverenced him, at a distance. As a little boy, I walked to 
the Roxbury line to hear the venerable Quincy welcome him home from 
exile. I had climbed the rail of the State Houseat Boston to hear Governor 
Gardner hail him as "the eloquent orator, the accomplished scholar, and 
the acknowledged statesman ; not only as the earnest friend of suffering 
humanity and of every good cause, not only as one who, educated in the 
institutions and by the altars and firesides of Massachusetts, has won 
imperishable laurels on the arena of the nation's conflicts, but especially 
now do we welcome you as the successful defender of her integrity and 
honor." I looked into his face, when, for the first time after his resump- 
tion of his senatorial duties, the evening before Mr. Lincoln's election, 
he spoke in old Faneuil Hall on the issues involved in the vote of the 
following day. I heard him as with prophetic voice he rang out through 
the arches of that temple of liberty — " the great clock will soon strike its 
knell. Every four years a new President is chosen, but rarely a new 
government. To-morrow we shall have not only a new President hut 
a new government. A new order of things will begin, and 
OUR HISTORY will proceed on a grander scale in harmony 

WITH THOSE SUBLIME PRINCIPLES IN WHICH IT COMMENCED." On 

the next evening, at the house of the sage, Emerson, and on the 
classic ground of Concord, he showed the true use to be made of 
victory : " Having obtained this great victory, let us study to use it with 
moderation, with prudence, xvith wisdom. Through no failure on our -part 
mud its proper fruits be lost. Happily, Abraham Lincoln has those elements 
of character needed to carry us through the crisis. He is calm, jirudent, 
wise, and also brave." 

Afterwards, when a school boy at Audover, I left the books for a day, 
to hear Charles Sumner recapitulate the wisdom, prudence and faith, 
which marked so eminently the Martyred President, and connected his 
name so irrevocably with all that is heroic in every land. He spoke 
from that same platform where, a few weeks ago, the Senator from Mis- 
souri paid the last tribute to his virtues, and where, later, George 
William Curtis, who approaches Sumner nearest in graces of scholarship, 
integrity and devotion to humanity, has made further eulogies unnecessary. 

As an orator, Senator Sumner will rank, I am inclined to think, among 
the third class that Cicero enumerates.* His voice w^as sonorous and 
impressive, his pronunciation and enunciation a marvel of perfection in 
this day of provincialism and vulgarities of style. 

■' Turtius est ille aniplus, gra\ is, ornatus in quo profecto vis maxima est. De Oratore. XVIII. 



33 

The matter of his speeches being always important, weighty and well 
selected, comported perfectly with his commanding presence and the 
grand voice with which nature had endowed him. You forgot Senator 
Sumner, the orator, while listening to him, and remembered only the 
cause he was advocating, the wrong he was exposing. He had no 
tricks of the mere elocutionist, much less the vulgarisms of the schools, 
the rant, the exaggeration and the false sentimental ism which cheapen 
American orator}' ; but his eloquence was " the hearty love of truth," 
the lofty purpose, so transparent and sincere, so earnest and emphatic, 
that you felt it pervading the very atmosphere in which he stood — 
! si ilium vidisse ; ! si ilium audisse ! 

It is the intense love of liberty, a hearty patriotism meeting us at 
every turn, that gives the rapt charm to the orations of Lysias. A life 
consecrated to the cause of virtue and the undimmed honor of the State, 
led Cicero and Quintilian to extol Isocrates in an age when the orator 
and the statesman were identical. 

It heightens the respect due to Senator Sumxer that, while he 
neglected nothing which might give weight to the word he was to speak 
at the fitting moment, even elaborately writing and carefully reading his 
speeches, feeling, like Demosthenes, ashamed to come before a cultivated 
audience unprepared, yet the cause in jeopardy and the attainment of 
some good end were ever before him, and not the praise or censure of 
men. Mr. Phillips surpassed him, perhaps, in the keen polish of 
extemporaneous speech, and equalled him certainly in loftiness of pur- 
pose and delicacy of sarcasm ; but he wanted the weight of testimony 
with which Senator Sumner always silenced, if he did not invariably 
convince an opponent or a doubter. 

You left Mr. Phillips with the silvery tones still ringing in your ear, 
the epigrammatical thrust still tingling in your side, wondering £t the 
art which led you captive, and feeling that he had not finished all 
he had to say. After hearing Senator Sumner you felt as 
though the question of immortal life or everlasting death had been 
presented, the final sermon had been preached, and you had only time to 
choose that day whom you would serve. The perfect finish of gesture 
and the classical arrangement of the period he left to the graceful and 
scholarly Everett, and they will live in the history of the eloquent 
literature of the country. For himself, he found no time for mere 
sentence making. The sweep of the argument, strong in details, 
stengthened in the morale, equipped with logic and illustration, rushed 
on with a movement of conviction 

" — that clanked like armor in the charge." 

To this was added an intensity of sentiment, cherished and stimulated 
3 



34 

by his habits of life and a devotion to great ideas, an idiomatic use of 
sturdy English, a mailed hand and a grasp of principles relating to Gov- 
ernment, which recall Milton and Burke, the latter of whom he so 
strongly resembled in personal appearance that the familiar portrait of 
that orator, which graced his study, was often mistaken for himself. He 
had the scholarly, learned and imperious temper of Milton, and his 
Saxon dogmatism and persistency, and, like him, he did not presume "to 
sing of high life and lofty deeds" until he knew that in his own person 
existed "the pattern of the noblest things." 

Mure favored, however, than the great "secretary for foreign languages," 
the hands of Senator Sumner were held up throughout his career by 
the sturdiest hearts, the brightest intellects, and the purest souls our land 
has produced, and the gifted aud earnest abroad loved and watched his 
career with affectionate interest. Phillips, the Agitator, spared him when 
hurling his invectives ; often, indeed, he supplemented his labors. Garri- 
son, the Iconoclast of Slavery aud Constitution, had only words of cheer 
for the "young man eloquent." Poetry lent the charm of her inspiration. 
The bards who have best touched the National heart and given us a name 
abroad were his personal frienils. The single, clear and piping note of 
Whittier, like the skydark flying aloft, the melodious trill of Longfellow, 
heard like the chesry robin afar, and the shrill sarcasm, the triumphant 
paean of patriotism bursting from the eagle throat of Lowell, the senten- 
tious, aphoristic approval of Emerson, the praise of the radical Parker, the 
benedictions of Quincy and Adams and Story, is it strange that Charles 
Sumner, in heart, accomplishments and statesmanship easily surpassed 
the men of his own time? He was a combination of physique, training, 
fortuitous surroundings, the fortunate juncture of affairs at which he en- 
tered public life, the eventful period during which he labored, and the 
subtle and open influences which helped to keep him in his place, such as 
we shali not see again in this century. 

The political heir of the Whigs of the Revolution, the Federalists of 
the new Constitution, the Whigs of the Proviso battle and the Free-Soil- 
ers, he reached success in the ranks of the Republican party, which he, 
as much as any other man, helped to form. Had he looked merely for 
the applause of men, or had he been weary of well-doing, he might, like 
Mr. Garrison, have rested after Emancipation had been proclaimed. 
But, remembering his early determination to render the work complete, 
knowing the danger of leaving the seeds of disease, and seeing the help- 
less condition of the race, whose advocate he was, he pressed forward 
with the old ardor to complete the work of Regeneration by confirming 
by law the Civil Rights of all citizens of the United States. He remem- 
bered, perhaps, Livy's sentence: Dam nullum fastiditur genus eniteret 
virtus crevit imperium Romanian ; and he well knew that he who waited 



35 

for his rights until a majority, without solicitation and unspurred hy 
necessity, granted them, was like Horace's 

Eustioua expejtat dum defluat amnis at ille, 
Labitur ct labetur in omne volubilis sevum. 

Comparing the efforts of Mr. Sumner, in behalf of this measure, with 
those of Clarkson and Wilberforce, for the negroes of the West Indies, 
and Fox and Burke, in aid of the East Indians, I know I shall be 
accused of being swayed by personal interest, when I assert that they 
transcend in disinterestedness, in unanswerable reasoning, and in far- 
seeing statesmanship, his arguments even against slavery and in behalf 
of emancipation. As a humanitarian, a scholar and a gentleman, he 
could not help opposing slavery. As a patriot, all his thoughts naturally 
turned to the preservation of the Republic. Emancipation on every 
consideration looked toward this. But, on all these issues, the cold, 
calculating economist, the professional Union-saver, could stand with 
him. The halfhearted Union-men became all Unionists when their 
country was in peril, and many who had never cared for the clanking 
of chains, and the horrors of the slave-pen, became humane when 
they read of Belle Isle and Andersonville, or believed in freedom when 
their own first-born were laid lifeless corpses before their own doors, or 
filled nameless graves on Southern battlefields. There was not in the 
masses the deep-seated horror of the wrong, no deeply intrenched idea 
of justice, universal and impartial, such as filled the mind of Charles 
Sumner. Hence the difficulty in employing colored troops, the trouble 
with regard to colored officers, and the consequent first flush of success 
on the side of the rebellion. Mr. Hill, of Georgia, acknowledges now that 
emancipation benefited the South. Thankful for the clemency which 
spared his head, granting the benefit of free labor, he dares to 
oppose your rights and mine. Nay, he is back in the Senate, where he 
may contend against the measure. Senator Sumner saw that this would 
happen at the close of the war, and attempted to provide against it. He 
saw that men of less ardent zeal and shallower philanthropy would be 
satisfied with what was done, and would betake themselves to the spoils 
of office, leaving the negro still only a half citizen in his native land, 
a Pariah where he should be a complete freeman. 

In devoting himself to this work, he merited Burke's eulogium upon 
Fox.* In his persistent demand for this measure of simple justice, and 
the unanswered arguments he has left in its favor, he raises himself as 
much above the vulgar herd of politicians as Mont Blanc rears its snow- 
white head above the clouds. 



"Works of Edmund Burke, Vol. II, p. 533. 



86 

Only such a man as Senator Sumner would have persisted in bring- 
ing before each Congress such a measure — one who looked forward to the 
homogeneity of the Republic — who felt that the national faith pledged 
to the negro, when he led our scouts through the swamp, when he 
served as a contraband, when we refused to take him as a soldier, and 
enlisted as a soldier only to be treated with marked difference, when he 
charged at Fort Pillow and Port Hudson and Wagner without hope of 
quarter, when he suffered the cowardly outrages of midnight attacks by 
the bafHed enemies of the Republic, should be kept at all hazards by 
those whom he had helped. He knew how low-bred Caste, the spawn of 
slavery, the last refuge of weakness or inferiority, appealed to the easy 
prejudices of the worst classes. The man, who in breadth of soul, in 
learning, piety, or even physical strength, was the pronounced inferior 
of his brother, could dominate over him, degrade and insult him, by 
reason of that feeblest of all accidental properties — color. The intelli- 
gent and the thoughtful are ashamed of it. Europe has never known 
it with all her despotisms. Cultured New England and the open-hearted 
"West despise it, and leave it to the petty despotisms of the South — the 
color-aristocracies of Georgia, Kentucky and Tennessee, where even the 
United States Government cannot protect its own officials from insult. 

There is nothing heroic in contending for one's own rights and being 
zealous in the maintenance of those principles which will bring life, 
liberty and the pursuits of happiness to our own homes ; but to feel for 
those in chains as bound with them ; to cry out against the wrongs done 
to our fellow-men ; to hate and oppose the snobocracy of Caste, founded 
on color or section, and to have manhood enough to come out and 
demonstrate the absurdity of that contempt, is the part of a more 
enlarged capacity and a truer manhood than as yet prevails in America. 
But this was the height Senator Sumner had reached; I should rather 
say this was the lofty plateau upon which he was born. His sentiments 
were not merely aired in the Senate Chamber. They were exhibited 
before the eyes of the public, at his private table, where a gentleman 
met his equals, irrespective of color or nationality. It was not done for 
political effect, it was no mania or idiosyncrasy, as it seemed often to 
ignoble minds, but the altitude of a mind which had no conception of 
color prejudice. When Attorney General Akerman, of Georgia, called 
to pay his respects to Senator Sumner, he found him breakfasting with 
Mr. Joshua B. Smith, his guest at the time When the Southern delegation 
from Cincinnati called to testify their admiration of Senator Sumner's 
attitude in the Greeley campaign, they were individually introduced to 
the colored visitors who happened to be present. I, myself, have met 
at his house and hospitable board the representatives of the French, 
English and German embassies. In that cosey study I have listened 



37 

to the conversation of Ex-Governor Curtin, Frederick Douglass, 
Vice President Wilson, Caleb Cushing, Assistant Attorney General 
Hill, Professor Langston, Wendell Phillips, James T. Fields, and the 
Marquis DeCharabrun.and no air of patronage, no strained good breeding, 
made any guest feel ill at ease. He merely carried into daily practice 
the principle which ornamented a statuette that used to stand upon his 
study table, Le bon Pasteur crime ses brebis de toutes couleurs. Therefore, 
Senator Sumner's republicanism never needed expedients. It had 
not one thing ready for the canvass and the lip ; but caste shut up in 
the heart and ready to display itself after the victory. Hence, even 
Republicans who could not emancipate themselves from the chains of 
early prejudices, and Democrats who differed with him in theory, but 
surpassed him in practice, could not help reverencing such fidelity and 
consistency. In doing this he did not exalt himself above the Fa- 
ther of his Country, who, in a time of need, shared the blanket, 
through the night, of Primus Hall, the negro soldier.* But when Sena- 
tor Sumner dared to ask as much for the negro as for himself in the 
Senate, saying: 

"Sir, early in life I vowed myself to nothing less than the idea of 
making the principles and promises of the Declaration of Independence 
a living reality. This was my aspiration. For that I have labored ; 
and now, at this moment, as its fulfillment seems within reach, I ap- 
peal to my fellow Senators that there shall be no failure on their part. 
Make, I entreat you, the Declaration of Independence, in its principles 
and promises, a living letter ; make it a practical reality. * I long 

to vote for amnesty; I have always hoped to vote for it; but, sir, 
I should be unworthy of my seat as a Senator if I voted for it 
while the colored race are shut out of their rights, and the ban of 
color is recognized in this chamber. * * * Be just to the colored 
race before you are generous to former rebels. Unwillingly I press this 
truth, but it belongs to the moment. I utter it with regret, for I long 
to record my name in behalf of amnesty. I here declare from my seat 
that I am for amnesty, provided it can be associated with the equal 
rights of the colored race, but if not so associated, then, so help me God, 
I am against it ;" he transcended, in true loftiness of soul, any senti- 
ment, either of Washington, Jefferson or Adams. 

The slave power hated him because he was learned, and in the truest 
sense aristocratic. It saw the brilliant promise of his early manhood, 
and sought to woo him with that dalliance and arts to which so many 
had succumbed. Imagine such a tower of strength for the South 
planted in New England. Senators Butler and Mason were accustomed, 

* Colored Americans of the Revolution— "Win. C. Nell. 



after he became Senator, to speak of having introduced him to society. 
They introduce him ! — the fledgling in law, for whom the whole bench of 
the Supreme Court left their cards on the first day of his arrival in 
Washington, the day when, for the first time, he saw a fellow-countryman 
in chains ! Thev confer honor upon one who, in birth, education and ac- 
complishments, was their peer then and the friend afterwards of Carlyle, 
Brougham, Bright, Gladstone, Cobden, Stanley, Thiers, Tennyson and 
Taine, Palmerston, the Duke of Argyle and the Duchess of Sutherland, 
of Thackeray and Dickens ! 

One is apt to believe in the aristocracy of birth and training when from 
the " Gentleman's set" at Harvard, from out the ranks of the " Porcel- 
liah" frujes comumere nati, the boldest rider and the most skilful boxer, 
the accomplished " man of society," and the elegant dilettante become the 
most eloquent orator and the foremost statesman of their time, beginning 
at the bottom of the ladder with the despised Abolitionists and ending 
with a country revolutionized in favor of freedom. 

They remembered, perhaps, that an aristocrat Pericles led the democ- 
racy of Athens and confirmed the glory of the State : that a Mirabeau 
gave an impetus to the French revolution, and a Chatham pleaded for 
the rights of the colonies, all abiding by the cause they espoused, while 
more democratic aristocrats sold themselves for place or were corrupted 
by gold. The relentless persecution which follows those who espouse a 
cause different from the supposed faith of their fathers, is not without its 
illustrations even in the State of South Carolina. 

But Senator Sumner holds a peculiar, fitting and appropriate relation 
to our University. If, as Professor Huxley has lately said at Aberdeen,* 
the ideal University should be a place where thought is free from all 
fetters "and in which all sources of knowledge and all aids to learning 
should be accessible to all comers, without distinction of creed or country, 
riches or poverty ;" if that able Federalist, the friend of Josiah Quincy, 
Chancellor DeSaussure ; if Colonels Mitchell, May and Kershaw and 
others, did not use language in a double sense or without any meaning 
at all when they reported against such opposition " an Act to establish a 
college at Columbia " saying in impressive and prophetic language: — 

Whereas the proper education of youth contributes greatly to the 
prosperity of Society, and ought always to be an object of legislative at- 
tention; and 

Whereas the establishment of a College in the central part of the 
State, where all its youth may be educated, will highly promote the in- 
struction, the good order and the harmony of the ichole community " f 

* Universities, Actual and [deal.— Inaugural Address, as Lord Rector, University of Aber- 
deen, Feb. 27, 1874. 

; 1,, Horde's History of the South Carolin i College, pp. 22, 2."., and A. A. 1801, 5 Statutes, 403. 



39 

then, at last, for the first time in the history of the college, has the 
Honored Board of Trustees brought the University back to the original 
desigu of the founders, in harmony with the theory of education abroad 
and the foremost institutions of our country. After seventy years of 
exclusiveness, and the development of a royal-priesthood of learning, 
the State opens wide the doors of the University to " all its youth," 
ennobling in this way her own proud record. 

It is an ancient maxim that the king never dies. In France, during 
the days of the monarchy, at the very moment the breath left the body 
of the king, the mournful cry was taken up by the attendants and passed 
from chamber to corridor, from corridor to street, from street to country, 
Le Roi est mort; but before the last sound had died away the triumphant 
reply came coursing back, announcing the successor, Vive le Roi! 

Gentlemen of the Faculty, when scarcely a year ago the Secretary 
of State,* bearing one of the most honored names of South Carolina, a name 
which the sacred ordeal of martyrdom connects with those of Vane and 
Sydney, and one which the graces of eloquence loves to link with that of 
Webster, dared to seek admission to these walls, honored professors, some 
distinguished for learning and years of meritorious service, others emi- 
nent in their several professions, some of whom had themselves studied 
iu colleges with students much darker in complexion than the daring in- 
terloper—men whose culture, training and reading should have raised 
them above the petty spirit of caste, and made them scorn to bend to the 
lash of an intolerant and effete opinion— fled from our quiet haunts and 
charming academic walks, crying, iu lugubrious tones, Le Roi est mort! 
Le Roi est mort! The hostile press, one of whose editors graduated in 
Paris, with a nee;ro leading his class, took up the cry, Le Roi est mort. 
But the sound had not yet ceased, ere the old response came triumphantly 
back, Vive le Roi! It came in the students who entered, Vive le Roi! 
It came in our successful Junior Exhibition, Vive le Roi! It came in 
our scholarship bill, Vive le Roi! It has come finally and demonstra- 
tively in the successful exercises of our academic week, Vive, vive le Roi! 

We stand at the summit of the educational power of the State, resting 
upon the common school system, firmly impressed with the importance 
of the work we have to do and certain of its success. This work will re- 
dound to the lasting welfare of every true citizen, and will reflect credit 
upon the Trustees of the University, who dallied not with the illiberal 
and proscriptive character of caste in matters of education, but placed 
themselves boldly on record as friends of Equality. 

* Hon. II. E, Ilayne. 



40 

Today we have on our rolls students who, in points of numbers and 
ability, will compare favorably with those of the old regime. It has been 
within my own recollection, since Massachusetts, by general law, forbade 
a distinction which never existed as a rule. But now, such is the liberal 
tendency of the times, Brown, Wesley an, Dartmouth, Ann Arbor, Amherst, 
and Harvard, are all open, irrespective of class or condition. Yale grad- 
uates her first colored academic student this year, while graduates of Got- 
tingen, Heidelberg, Paris, Cambridge, England, Glasgow, Edinburgh and 
Stonyhurst, are found among the colored men of the country, who, a few 
years ago, were denied equal education at home. Within two weeks, 
three colored students entered the New York Normal School. Already 
there have been colored graduates of the high schools of Troy, N. Y., 
Syracuse, Cleveland, Chicago, Boston, Cambridge and Worcester, show- 
ing most conclusively that the so-called inability to learn, and "social 
repugnance" for the negro, on other arenas than our own, has been 
overwhelmingly refuted. Much of this spirit of liberality sprang from 
the able argument of the young lawyer, Charles Sumner, in 1849, arguing 
before the Supreme Court of Massachusetts — Equality before the 
Law. Hence, it is peculiarly appropriate that we, to-day, representing 
the College from which most of the mischievous and pernicious theories 
fulminated before and during the rebellion, in the barbaric days of 
slavery, and I, the fortunate recipient of those educational advan- 
tages which he helped to make free to all, should unite in this simple 
chaplet to his memory, whose sound judgment and real statesmanship 
made him insist upon an identity and not an equivalence in matters of 
education. This, then, is our cause of congratulation, though the old 
inquisitors may bid the friends of freedom and equal education retreat 
and forswear their principles, denying to the children of the freemen of 
the State opportunities of education. Let us determine to maintain 
these " with the hazard of our lives, if need be," for without them a 
republic is a misnomer, scholarship an empty bauble, and the blood 
and treasure spent to redeem the land worse than wasted. 

I stood a few weeks ago in that deserted mansion in "Washington, 
known so well to the generous and aspiring of both races. I wandered 
mournfully through, its disordered rooms, even then-confused with the 
preparations for packing and removal. There was not a painting, a vase, 
a statuette nor a souvenir, with which I was not familiar. The well 
known busts, the clock with its cuckoo call, the old senatorial desk, the 
vacant chair, all invoked the magnificent presence of their departed 
master. How often from that doorway had I accompanied him during 
the period of his convalescence, one short year before ! How much had 
he planned for his recovery as he whirled over the broad avenues of the 



41 

Washington dedicated to freedom ! How kind aud genially he used to 
greet the soldiers of Arlington, and how proudly he would point to the 
glorious dome of the Capitol, seen from the heights of Georgetown, as we 
slowly descended after the long drive, saying it never seemed so beauti- 
ful, so worthy the name of a capital as since Freedom had ransomed it. 
Sis months before I had sat in that very chair and saw his flaming in- 
dignation at the rumor that " the colored representatives were about to 
desert " him " on the field of battle," such were his words, being willing 
to surrender the school clause in the' Civil Rights Bill. With what con- 
scious pride I bade him be not alarmed, for every representative from 
South Carolina would do his duty. I saw his smile of satisfaction after 
our representatives had spoken ; I recall his pleasure at the resolutions 
in favor of Civil Rights which the South Carolina Legislature sent him. 
Here once during his slow recovery, when almost bent double with pain, 
he said, rising and straining himself to the old senatorial height, 
" I have been accused of imperialism and centralization. I am proud of 
pleading guilty to the charge. I am in favor of centralization ; I am in 
favor of imperialism — the Imperialism of Human Rights; and he who 
accepts less than this is the enemy of his country." 

As I stood there, book and picture, cathedral and portrait, statute and 
vase faded away, and I heard again only the plaintive voice, " Oh ! if my 
bill was only passed, I should seek rest. My work would then be finished 
aud I could rest." And he was gone, and an inscrutable providence had 
not permitted him to accomplish that wish ! He died without the borders 
of that promised land ; but he lived long enough and successfully enough 
to see the Capital, where his footsteps had been dogged^and where faith- 
ful friends had covered him with revolvers daily, without his knowledge, 
consecreated to Freedom. He saw the slave-pen disappear and the mag- 
nificent school house which bears his name, rise above the noble city. 
He lived to present a negro for admission to that Court which went out 
of its way to deny the negro's rights to a common humanity. He lived 
long enough to welcome the negro to the army as a laborer and soldier, 
and then, taking away his musket, to give him a ballot. Once more and 
the wave dashed higher, he welcomed him to the Senate and seated him 
in the chair of the Arch Rebel. He lived to see Hayti and Liberia re- 
cognized, arbitration a fact, the resolutions of censure rescinded, and he 
waited only for Civil Rights, and the coming of the day toward which 
his gaze w r as ever directed, when the ploughshare of war should drip no 
more with blood, when neither gibbet nor proscription should curtail the 
rights of the meanest, or take the life of the basest, when the races of 
our varied nationality should dwell together in mutual harmony and 
protection, each striving to dare most for the honor and safety of their 
common country. Oh ! Confederate and Federal, Negro and Saxon, was 
it not the record of a noble life ? 



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